MEPGS; Excerpts;
"... Despite Netanyahu’s theatricality at
the United Nations yesterday when he displayed a cartoon like poster of Iran’s
nuclear capability, US officials were relieved by the substance of his
speech. “He made it clear that
Israel is not prepared to use military force anytime soon,” said one State
Department official. “It is clear
that he realized that he had overplayed his hand with recent and repeated
threatening rhetoric.” Another
well-placed official agreed, saying, “I think Bibi’s threats were counterproductive.”
President Obama doesn’t like to be pushed.”
There
are other more substantive reasons why the Administration is pleased that the
Israelis have given them more time to work out a non-military solution to
moving Iran off its present course towards nuclear capability. To begin with, they see Iran, along
with its surrogate in Lebanon, Hezbollah, becoming less and less popular with
many throughout the Arab world.
“Iran is clearly seen as being on the wrong side of the Arab Spring,”
said one US analyst. Backing the
Assad regime has further tarnished Teheran’s image `on the street’ and has
greatly undermined Hezbollah’s appeal across the region.” At home, say US analysts, this is not
the Iranian regime of the 1980’s, fresh from the revolution which overthrew the
Shah and was capable of mobilizing the population in its war against Iraq. “The last thing we need is military
action by Israel that causes the Iranian public to rally around its
leadership,” says one a US analyst.
Another telling point for those in the Administration most committed to
stopping Iran’s nuclear development is that an Israeli military strike would
undermine the international sanctions regime laboriously constructed by the
US. “If Israel acts, it would
allow many countries to get `off the hook’” argues one Administration planner.
Israeli
officials acknowledge that their Prime Minister has been playing a game of
brinksmanship. But they argue that
this approach has worked, so far.
“It has gotten the major powers to impose serious sanctions on Iran,”
notes one well-placed Israeli.
Others point out Iran’s oil exports are down by nearly half, while
suffering an even greater loss of revenue [due, in part to heavy discounting
and other costly maneuvers to allow the continued export of oil]. The value of Iran’s currency has dropped
even more dramatically over the past two months as the Rial has lost more than
three quarters of its value when weighed against the dollar, according to some
sources. Israeli sources also
insist, despite Prime Minister Netanyahu’s literal use of a red marker to
denote the line beyond which Iran must not be allowed to go, that he doesn’t
mean to be taken literally. Noting
that Iran has already crossed other supposed Israeli “red lines” such as being
allowed to enrich its uranium stockpile to 20%, these officials say that what
the Israeli leadership seeks is reassurance that the US will not leave them
uncertain about its commitment to do what is necessary to prevent Iran from
going nuclear. For example, it was
noted that the other key Israeli player, Defense Minister Barak, publicly
complimented the Administration for its continued military build-up in the
Persian Gulf. As one analyst put
it, “The Iranians probably believe they can withstand an Israeli attack, but
taking on the US is an entirely different matter. Finally, Israeli leaders are fearful that their independent
deterrent could be compromised if the US is not seen to be steadfast. As one Israeli official put it last
week, “We will not tolerate becoming a client state of the US. Ask other one time American allies how
that can sometimes works out.”
Among
those one time allies the Israelis refer to must certainly include former
Egyptian leader, Hosni Mubarak.
And these days, the praise now being heaped on his successor, Mohamed
Morsi, gives some credence to Israeli concerns. Despite the belated response to mob violence directed
against the US Embassy [sparked by the amateur anti-Islam video produced in the
US], US officials have become fulsome in their praise of the new Egyptian
leadership. While admitting they
are still “feeling their way” in the new relationship, already they praise
Morsi for saying all the right things about necessary economic reforms
[something conspicuously absent when the “SCAF” or military command ran the
country after Mubarak’s ouster and before Morsi’s election]. They are also commend him for his
commitment to the Israel/Egyptian peace treaty [despite some important caveats]
and finally his call for equal treatment of minorities at home [ie the Coptic
Christian population]. As one
official put it this week after meetings with Morsi at the UN, “He is a man we
can do business with.”....... with his obvious political acumen, Moslem Brotherhood organization
backing and widespread popular support has the potential to become, in his
words, “The most powerful Egyptian in 6,000 years.”
As
leader of the most populous Arab Sunni nation, Morsi has also been outspoken in
his criticism of the Alawite-led dictatorship in Syria. But like nearly all other outsiders,
the Egyptian President has not gone much further than rhetorical pronouncements
that the Assad regime must depart.
Although there are conflicting reports on the level of lethal assistance
being given to rebels by Saudi Arabia and Qataar, it is clear that heavy
weaponry, not to mention active engagement by neighbors, the EU and the US is
not yet being provided. In fact,
despite apparent agreement publicly, there is some bickering about the
respective roles that should be played by those countries committed to the
regime’s ouster. Privately, US
officials are critical of Turkey’s inconsistent policies, while the Turks
complain that they cannot act without US leadership. Meanwhile, the French have become more active on the ground
as they seem to be moving towards providing the West’s first arms supply. But many junior officials in Washington
as well as European capitals say the Syrian bloodbath will go on for many more
months unless the US takes a more active leadership role.
Again,
officials not at a policy making level, tend to be more candid about the
situation in Libya. Immediately
after the murder of US Ambassador Christopher Stevens, they admitted privately
that they were caught completely off-guard having, in the words of one State
Department insider, “No real protection at the US consulate in Benghazi.” They also say that Stevens himself,
although an optimist by nature, believed that Libya’s future was anything but
rosy. One long time Steven’s
colleague said that the slain Ambassador never thought the Libyans had better
than a one in three chance of establishing a stable, democratic nation in the
near or medium term."
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