"...What has received less publicity is the small but vital part played in that offensive by British intelligence officials, who from their seat in the Libyan highlands have been advising the rebel leadership on the strategy behind their final assault...
It is a clandestine operation that got off to a spectacularly inauspicious start in March when seven SAS soldiers and an MI6 officer were detained by militia members outside the rebel stronghold of Benghazi, during a botched mission to make contact with anti-Gaddafi leaders. Since then, the British auxiliary efforts have been conducted more clandestinely.
A British diplomatic source said: "From quite an early stage there has been a view that Gaddafi's stranglehold would only be broken if there were practical measures on the ground as well as the air campaign. We are not talking legions of SAS crawling through the undergrowth. What we are talking about is offering expertise, diplomatic support and allowing others to be helpful."
The "others" in question are the small groups of former special forces operatives, many with British accents, working for private security firms who have been seen regularly by reporters in the vanguard of the rebels' haphazard journey from Benghazi towards Tripoli.
These small detachments of Caucasian males, equipped with sunglasses, 4x4 vehicles and locally acquired weaponry, do not welcome prying eyes, not least because their presence threatened to give credence to the Gaddafi regime's claims that the rebel assault was being directed by Western fifth-columnists.
Amid frustration and even disdain in British and Allied circles about the ragtag nature of much of the Libyan rebel army – whose reputation as fair-weather fighters proved to be literal in April when two days of rainfall halted their offensive – London has been content for the Benghazi-based National Transitional Council to use funds to buy in ex-SAS men and others with a British military background to help train and advise anti-Gaddafi forces.
The Independent understands that the contracts for the security companies, often signed in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, have involved funds provided by Western countries to the NTC, although much of the money has come from previously frozen regime bank accounts and assets..."
"'America is something that can be easily moved. Moved to the right direction.They won’t get in our way'" Benjamin Netanyahu
Thursday, August 25, 2011
'Detachments of Caucasian males with sunglasses ..."
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3 comments:
The piece is missing two important points the Guardian made yesterday:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/aug/23/sas-troopers-help-coordinate-rebels
"The Guardian has previously reported the presence of former British special forces troops, now employed by private security companies and funded by a number of sources, including Qatar. They have been joined by a number of serving SAS soldiers.
They have been acting as forward air controllers – directing pilots to targets – and communicating with Nato operational commanders. They have also been advising rebels on tactics, a task they have not found easy."
...
They returned to Libya in February this year, even before the UN mandate urging states to protect civilians from Gaddafi's forces.
There is more:
"A US official was quoted as confirming reports that Qatari special forces had helped spearhead the rebel storming of Bab al-Aziziya, and that British, French and Italian advisers had played a role."
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/aug/24/fighting-tripoli-gaddafi-libya
Also check http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/aug/23/sas-troopers-help-coordinate-rebels French and Jordanian sp. forces involved as well...
Some revolution that!
It is so obvious that foreign troops were on the ground. There was a complete stalemate, then suddenly the rebels are inside Tripoli. NATO was heavily bombing all the locations ahead of the rebels. How was this coordinated? They want to tell us NATO forces gave the rebels all equipment and special codes needed for such coordination? There have been foreign troops on the ground in Libya from the start, even before UNSC resolutions 1970 and 1973.
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